No Way Out of the Settlement Conflict?
July 2nd, 2009Editor’s Note:
Many things are changing globally. Israel, a long time
geo-political asset for Western powers is now a full
fledged liability. The global elite believe Barak Hussein
Obama will be embraced by Muslims everywhere for deliver-
ing a Palestinian state. He will not be embraced as
anticipated.
But look for a huge cry against foreign aid to surface
as one state after another declares bankruptcy. The cry
will be, “Why give billions of dollars to Israel when
California cannot pay their bills.”
Israel has been a strategic liability for so many years.
The difference today is that economic necessity makes it
impossible to ignore.
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Video Clip Of The Week
Israeli Settlers Interfere With Palestinian Harvest
Israeli settlers with a compliant Israeli military harass
Palestinian farmers who want to harvest their olives on
their own land. This is done to deprive the farmers of
their livelihood. Meanwhile, the world looks on with
deafening silence.
View: Israeli Settlers Interfere With Palestinian Harvest
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No Way Out of the Settlement Conflict? - William Pfaff
The Obama administration’s confrontation with Israel over
its colonies inside the Palestine territories began as a
test of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s willingness to
enter serious negotiations on a Middle Eastern settlement.
It actually possesses potential dimensions that few today
imagine.
Netanyahu first counted on the Likud and settlement lobbies
in Washington to produce, as always in the past, a
disingenuous formula that would allow the colonies to
continue to expropriate Palestinian land and expand the
settlements, while the American government oversaw
essentially meaningless negotiations with the Palestinians.
The prime minister was just in Europe, and told RAI,
Italian state radio, that after President Barack Obama had
declared in his Cairo speech that the construction of new
settlements must stop, he – Netanyahu – had replied “No,”
but had accepted Obama’s call for a two-state solution with
the Palestinians, which he previously had refused, provided
that it took place under specified conditions.
The conditions would deny a prospective Palestine state
of full sovereignty, control of its frontiers or of its
security, economy and trade, airspace, and water and other
natural resources. The conditions are obviously unaccept-
able, as they are meant to be. Netanyahu’s proposal
constituted a message to the Palestinians that they should
expect nothing from his government, and to Barack Obama
that Israel expects the United States to ask nothing
further from it, and to resume the meaningless negotiations
that have gone on since the first George Bush tried and
failed to confront Israel on extension of the settlements.
The Israeli president went on to say, “I think the more we
spend time arguing about [the settlements] the more we
waste time instead of moving towards peace.”
On Wednesday he paid an official visit to France, expecting
congratulations on his agreement to the creation of a
Palestinian state. Instead, President Nicolas Sarkozy told
him that France “would no longer accept Israeli subterfuges
meant to disguise colony construction by the pretext of
‘natural growth’ in the settlements.”
This position already had been characterized by Israeli
Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman as making it “impossible
for Israel to build synagogues or kindergartens, or to add
rooms for expanding families in the settlements.”
Lieberman, who immigrated to Israel from Moldavia, wishes
Israel’s Arab citizens – survivors of the original Arab
population of what is now Israel — issued with special
identity documents and encouraged to quit Israel. One might
think that if they did they would leave real estate
vacancies that could accommodate expanding Jewish settler
families.
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President Netanyahu was scheduled to meet on Thursday in
Paris with former U.S. Senator George Mitchell, President
Obama’s special envoy on Middle Eastern affairs, but the
meeting was canceled by the American side (according to
the Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth), and Mitchell
stayed in Washington. The White Houses unofficially made
it known that there would be no further meetings with
Netanyahu until there was a real settlement freeze. (The
Israeli denial of the newspaper report, and the Washington
statement that the cancellation was mutual, were obvious
flimflam.)
Now this is all very well, in principle a long-overdue
restoration of justice and realism to American policy on
Israel and Palestine, but what follows? Would the American
position on a settlement freeze be enforced with financial
or political sanctions if the Netanyahu government refused
to yield?
Netanyahau was elected in order to defy the United States
on the colonies and on Palestinian statehood. Since few
sensible people in Israel wish to alienate Washington,
the Netanyahu government, again in principle, might be
brought down by American sanctions.
What then? The settlement movement, which has gone on now
for some four decades, has become integral to the Israeli
perception of national destiny and national security. The
number of Israeli settlers in the West Bank and the
Palestinian sector of Jerusalem now approaches a half-
million. The settlements with their connecting roads,
security installations and outposts dominate some 40
percent of the West Bank Territories.
Geoffrey Aronson of the Foundation for Middle East Peace
in Washington, sympathetic to the Palestinians, writes
in the Foundation’s most recent newsletter that merely a
freeze in settlement construction would require Israel
to “undo the system by which the military establishment,
the legislative and executive arms of the state,
settlers, and public, private, and supranational communal
organizations collaborate in the encouragement and
expansion of settlements.”
Major elements in the state administration, defense forces,
planning and budget agencies, and security programs and
practices, plus the incentives to individuals and business
to develop the settlements, would have to be undone.
He concludes that even a real freeze would require “an
undertaking so complex and requiring an Israeli political
decision so profound that no Israeli government would
undertake [it] except as a result of a broader decision
to terminate [the entire occupation of the Palestinian
territories].”
That is wholly impossible without a huge, internationally-
guaranteed reconstruction of the security relationships of
Palestinians, Israelis, and the surrounding Arab states,
which is all but unimaginable. But then what is imaginable?
Going on as things are? Clarification of Obama administr-
ation policy is essential.
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